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FOLLOW UP Sudanese press right to
refugee screening It would seem reason to celebrate. A new agreement between Egypt and Sudan could tear down the borders and bureaucracy erected when relations between the two countries turned sour in 1995. The Four Freedoms Agreement grants citizens of Egypt and Sudan the freedom of ownership, movement, residence and employment in either country. But just as the Egyptian parliament was preparing to finalize the bilateral agreement, discontent rippled through Cairo’s Sudanese community. In late August, several hundred Sudanese demonstrated in front of the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) office in Mohandiseen, demanding that the agency provide better services to protect refugees and asylum-seekers. Over the course of several days, protestors clashed with riot police, smashed windows and damaged property in and around the UNHCR premises. Beneath the scratched-up cars and shattered glass is the issue of labor rights. Sudanese are angry that UNHCR has pulled the plug on what many asylum-seekers view as their only real chance for job security in Egypt or abroad. Protestors that Business Monthly spoke to said their main demand was that UNHCR reinstate its refugee screening program, which it suspended two months earlier. “The problem is not with Egypt, it lies with UNHCR policies,” complained Hassan Abdullah, a southern Sudanese asylum-seeker. He said he could not fathom why UNHCR was turning away people it is mandated to protect. “What is hard to accept is the fact that we are desperate and the UNHCR, which provides no medical care, housing or stipends, has now told us to come back in January to continue our processing.” Some 3 million Sudanese live in Egypt, many having arrived in the 1980s and early 1990s as students and businessmen under an earlier agreement that granted them the right to reside and work in Egypt. Among these are an unknown number who fled Sudan to escape the country’s 21-year civil war as well as recent fighting in the Darfur region. Egyptians have a difficult time distinguishing between asylum-seekers, refugees and expatriates, often viewing Sudanese simply as “migrant workers” who compete for slim pickings in the local labor market. And that’s where things get tricky, as asylum-seekers have no legal right to work in Egypt, while refugees do. UNHCR, acting on behalf of the Egyptian government, screens thousands of Sudanese each year to determine who is and who is not eligible for refugee status. Less than 25 percent of applicants are granted refugee cards, which entitle them to work in Egypt and receive limited social services. According to UNHCR officials, the agency suspended its refugee screening program in June because an end to Sudan’s civil war appeared imminent. It also appeared that the Four Freedoms Agreement would make refugee status largely redundant. “If Sudanese have the right to reside freely in Egypt then there is no need for UNHCR to provide identity documents for the purpose of legal residence,” said Damtew Dessalegne, assistant regional representative at UNHCR. “And if people have the legal right to work in Egypt, then there is no need for UNHCR to lobby employers.” Sudanese asylum-seekers, however, insist they want UNHCR to continue the status determination process because the Four Freedoms Agreement, like so many government initiatives, could simply be a mirage that looks great on paper but fails to live up to its expectations in practice. They are determined to obtain refugee cards just in case the agreement falls through. Yet even for Egypt’s 20,000 recognized Sudanese refugees, a valid refugee card is no guarantee of a job. Like Egyptians, they face a bleak job market. For most, the only viable option is to seek work in the informal economy. “The majority of Sudanese refugees actually do work informally in low-paying, unskilled jobs,” said Katarzyna Grabska of AUC’s Forced Migration and Refugee Studies Department. “The salaries are quite low and the norm is for men to earn much less than women, who usually work as domestics in residences.” Ahmed Idris, who fled Darfur three years ago as the political
climate heated up, said some Sudanese men are able to pick up work
as day laborers. The work “tends to be irregular and for low
pay – usually about £E10 a day clearing construction
sites or working in factories.” Employers in the informal sector
make little fuss over whether or not a day worker has a UNCHR “blue
card.” David Snipes Ramses II set to leave
downtown After nearly 50 years gracing Midan Ramses, one of downtown Cairo’s busiest squares, the colossal, 3,000-year-old statue of Ramses II is scheduled to be moved to the new Grand Egyptian Museum on the Cairo-Alexandria Desert Road. Ramses II, considered the greatest of the pharaohs, ruled Egypt for 67 years, and was as famous for his monument building and military exploits as he was for siring 52 sons before his death in 1237 BC. Ramses’ visage can be found throughout the lands he once ruled, from the Delta in the north to Abu Simbel temple in the south. The pharaoh’s stone-wrought presence in Ramses Square has been a potent symbol of the ancient might and splendor of Egyptian civilization ever since the 1950s. Weighing in at a massive 80 tons, the red granite figure was originally found in six pieces in 1882, in Giza’s Mit Rahina district. Left in situ after initial attempts to reassemble it failed, the statue was finally transported to its current location – renamed Ramses Square in its honor – in 1955. Over the past 20 years, though, the square has changed dramatically. Today, the statue – covered in scaffolding in advance of the move – stands in the midst of competing thoroughfares, underground metro stations and flyovers, all of which have led to gradual damage from air pollution and traffic vibrations. The Ministry of Culture and the Supreme Council of Antiquities (SCA) have been discussing relocation of the statue for a decade. Finally, after exhaustive studies, the site of the new Egyptian Museum – itself only slated to be completed in five years’ time – was selected as the preferred destination, based mainly on environmental considerations. Although a decision has yet to be made on whether to transport the statue in one piece or in sections, secretary-general of the Supreme Council for Antiquities Zahi Hawass has expressed confidence that the monument wouldn’t be harmed during the move, owing to careful planning and the adoption of the latest preservation and transportation techniques. Local construction firm Arab Contractors – under the supervision of the SCA and in cooperation with an international company specialized in monument transport – was chosen to undertake the £E 6 million operation. The studies, including one on the best route for the statue’s conveyance, will be reviewed by the SCA for a final decision on the feasibility of relocation from the busy square, itself undergoing a £E 10 million refurbishment. If the SCA decides the site of the new museum is to host the venerable pharaoh, the statue will be stored in a specially constructed warehouse until the museum is completed. Mohamed Mursi Ban on foreign dancers
revoked In early September, the nine-month-old ban on non-Egyptian belly dancers – originally enacted to protect the local dance sector from foreign competition – was reportedly overturned by the government. The ban was first announced in August of last year, with government daily Al-Gomhouriya reporting at the time that some 5,000 foreign belly dancers resident in Cairo were threatening the job prospects of their local counterparts. As of January 1, 2004, the paper announced, non-Egyptian belly dancers would no longer be granted work permits by the Ministry of Labor & Immigration. The belly-dancing industry was “not an industry where we need foreigners,” a labor ministry official was quoted as saying. “That caused a lot of consternation because no really definable reason for their stance was ascertainable,” said Iranian-born dancer Liza Al Laziza. “All that the ministry told us was that, as of January, we would no longer have our work permits renewed.” The Association of Foreign Artists quickly tried to challenge the ruling, but its request for appeal was turned down by the Cairo Administrative Court. While the exact reasons for the recent reversal remain unclear, some observers suspect that the ban had adversely hurt the hotel business. “Many five-stars were finding it difficult to provide quality dancers for their nightclubs and weddings,” explained one dancer who preferred anonymity. “Instead of having foreign dancers presenting high-quality and genuine performances, they were stuck with second-tier dancers.” At any rate, foreign dancers are delighted. “I’m pleased that the ban was lifted,” said Al Laziza. “Still, for the time being, I have no intention of applying for a work permit. I dance because I love it as an art form.” Sounding more like a frustrated importer than a belly dancer, she added, “There are too many bureaucratic obstacles to dancing here.” Al Laziza is preparing to embark on a world-spanning tour, first to a French dance festival then on to the “Belly Dancing Oscars,” to be held in Perth, Australia. “The fact that these events are being organized just proves the respectability that the art form has – it shows that it’s international,” she said. As for the employment issue, even local dancer par excellence Dina questioned the rationale behind the ban. “How can such a small percentage of dancers possibly affect the employment of the majority?” she was quoted as saying in state press. “There’s room for all of us, and the competition is good for the industry as a whole.” David Snipes |
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